The politics stimulates a thought and a speech that they do not look to be formulated by private seitas of the initiates in sacred mysteries, but that they look for, in contrast, to be public, taught, transmitted, official notices and argued. The idea of a thought that all can communicate and transmit is basic for the philosophy (CHAU, 1999, p.32). All these economic factors, politicians, social and cultural had changed the mentality of that people, that more does not attribute as much power to the word of the myth, to the word of deuses, and starts to value the word human being, the power of the argument. The first philosophers, the daily pay-socrticos appear there, for return of sc. VI B.C., and searched answers on the bedding of the things, the principle, the element that constitutes all the things.
The philosophers break with the dogmatismo of myths when its answers divergem between itself, of form to show diverse possible explanations. The Philosophy breaches with the mythical thought how much to the way as knowing it is received. While the myth is a narrative whose content is not questioned, the philosophy problematiza … While in the myth the inteligibilidade is given, in the philosophy it is looked. The philosophy rejects the supernatural one, the interference of agent the holy ghosts in the explanation of the phenomena … searchs the coherence, the rigorous definition of the concepts, the debate and the quarrel internal, is organized in doctrines and appears, therefore, as abstract thought (SPIDER; MARTINS, 1993, p.67). The philosopher can itself be noticed that, in Old Greece, for dominating the thought rational, he is who also dominates knowing scientific, forming a link between the philosophy and the science that is only gotten rid in the Modern Age, when in sc. XVII, Galileu initiates a metodolgica revolution that it aims at to separate to philosophy and science.
If the police, legal and illegal violence, was systematic and used against enemies and critics of the regimen in extreme cases and situations in which the generals in the power felt themselves threatened particularly, the monitoring on the civil society and the information were constant. The obsession for monitoring as form to prevent the performance ' ' subversiva' ' , over all in what the manuals of the Doctrine of National Security called ' ' propaganda subversiva' ' ' ' war psicolgica' ' against the democratic and Christian institutions: ' ' in a military dictatorship, guided for the Doctrine of National Security, to arise itself in weapons against the regimen it constitutes a crime gravssimo' ' (CHIAVENATO. 1994:118), finishing for generating a logic of the suspicion. I consider that although the dogmatismo, reflecting the marxism and the moral rules of the PC of the B, ' ' The press alternativa' ' , mainly the alternative periodicals politicians, had perceived the perigos presumptions of the increasing Brazilian indebtedness, still in 1973, (the Guerrilla of the Araguaia already was fought), offering a chance so that the aggravation of the social iniquities, that in the region of the Araguaia was so visible and sensible, was divulged. More than two decades of military governments had only accented these trends. In the combat to ' ' subverso' ' on behalf of ' ' security nacional' ' the military regimen curtailed the liberty of speech, kept the press under formal censorship during seven years, 13 pursued and assassinated journalists. The Guerrilla of the Araguaia was marked by the gag of the censorship of the Military dictatorship that feared, in case that it were divulged by the medias, the adhesion to that they opposed in the city that regimen of exception commanded for the military, becoming hegemonic the imposition of ' ' silncio' ' regarding the conflict.